Afrika Global Network (AGN)
AGN is an international and independent network of parties, movements, organizations, unions, associations, institutions, groups and individual activists. They work at their own different levels and in their own various ways for the future of Afrika and the Black World. Revolutionary Pan-Afrikanism and global revolutionary ecosocialism are both taken by AGN as the essential guide and the inviolable objective in the struggle and the envisaged future. The struggle emanates from the realization that the overwhelming majority of the people in most of Afrika and its Diaspora remain impoverished, oppressed, exploited and racially disadvantaged. This is in spite of the fact that most of them achieved their national liberation and civil rights about 50 years ago, and that Afrika is the richest continent in the world in terms of natural resources. The reason for this is the socio-economic system being followed in the world, which is capitalism, imperialism and neo-colonialism.
One of the guiding principles of the revolution is the fact that the liberationist aspirations of the overwhelming majority cannot be fully achieved in any country in the world without first destroying capitalism. This is because of the intrinsic nature, principles, objectives and power of capitalism.
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As long as world capitalism has not been totally destroyed and completely replaced by global revolutionary ecosocialism, the liberation process of any country or a group of countries or race or class or sex anywhere in the world will forever remain insecure and unsustainable. This means if world capitalism remains in existence or in charge, the countries in which the capitalists have been defeated will continuously face the danger of having their ecosocialist liberation process being reversed or at least seriously distorted at some stage by a combination of internal and external capitalist and imperialist forces.
World capitalism is a system that is designed to ensure that a minority of powerful countries will always remain rich partly by keeping the majority of weaker countries poor. This is done through the plundering of the recourses, oppression, exploitation, marginalization and manipulation of the weaker countries. It includes the international trade regime, which is controlled by and is designed to serve mainly the interests of the imperialist countries. In every capitalist-ruled country, the capitalist system is also designed to ensure that the rich ruling class minority will always remain rich and the overwhelming poor majority will always remain poor. This again is done through oppression, exploitation, corruption and mismanagement by the capitalist system in order to enrich the rich ruling class at the expense of the poor majority.
These are some of the atrocious, intrinsic and sacrosanct features, principles and objectives of capitalism that seriously and fundamentally cannot be changed through peaceful reforms without a determined and often violent resistance by the capitalist forces. The capitalist ruling class controls the state and its machinery, which it uses to protect and promote the interests of the system of capitalism. It is a highly flexible and creative system that comes up with its own endless sub-systems or solutions or strategies like large-scale commercial slavery, racism, colonialism, imperialism, neo-colonialism, market forces, structural adjustment programmes, privatization, post-capitalist society, globalization and neo-liberalism. These are all strategies for strengthening capitalism, and for ensuring that the rich continue to grow richer than ever before. Capitalist solutions or strategies are there to consolidate classes, oppression and exploitation, instead of eliminating capitalism.
AGN uses the term “ecosocialism” to mean scientific socialism, which more than implies its commitment to the reversal of the degradation of the ecological environment. Most countries which called themselves Marxist or socialist abused the environment and most leading socialist writers did not give the environmental issue its due importance, unlike what Karl Marx and Frederick Engels did. Many of them tended to view the environmental issue as a mere middle class pass time. Ecosocialism is socialism which explicitly, consistently and continuously emphasizes the environmental issue as one of its major focuses both in theory and practice, and both in the struggle for the destruction of capitalism and during the process of building ecosocialism.
Ecosocialists recognize the fact that the world is in a state of ecocatastrophe and if this is not urgently and drastically reversed, it will certainly lead, sooner or later, to the total extinction of human, animal and plant life in the world. This is why one of the major aims of ecosocialism is to ensure the speedy reversal of environmental degradation and to put in place well-defined and unambiguously action-oriented policies for the sustainability of Mother Earth and its global socio-economic system. The overriding aim is sustainability for the benefit of both the present and the future generations. Full implementation of ecosocialism must also mean a continuously humane and sustainable society in which “one will contribute according to one’s abilities and will receive according to one’s needs”.
Ecosocialism by its very nature is the only system that has the mass-line orientation, the will and the capacity to put in place and to manage a planned, systematic and irreversible movement for the speedy reduction and eventual elimination of mass poverty, squalor, endemic diseases, homelessness, unemployment, illiteracy, rural neglect and environmental degradation. Ecosocialism is genuinely and uncompromisingly committed to the elimination of racism, injustice, gender inequality, classes, oppression, exploitation and corruption. It will ensure that clean water, medical and educational services are made free for all and public transport is made free to the elderly, the unemployed, and affordable to the employed. In a true ecosocialist state, workers’ control, workers’ management, workers’ leadership of the country and workers’ democracy will become and remain as some of the supreme and inviolable principles.
Unlike world capitalism, global revolutionary ecosocialism will be able to speedily re-structure and democratize the current iniquitous and totally undemocratic system of international relations which is there to serve the interests of the imperialist powers. The international relations system includes all international institutions, treaties and the trade regime, and these are all capitalist, imperialist and neo-colonialist in their design and operations. Some of the international institutions in question are the United Nations Organization, International Monetary Fund, World Bank and World Trade Organization.
By the very nature of the system of capitalism, it is certainly not possible for a capitalist country to be truly democratic. This is also why it should not be surprising that the capitalist countries that call themselves the champions of democracy like USA and UK do not support the democratization of the highly exploitative international relations system, which is in favour of imperialism. Capitalist democracy is a charade for the private interests of the ruling classes at both the national and the international levels. Since capitalism is a world system, it means that only another world system can truly, seriously, practically and effectively replace it. Such a replacement, at this point in human history, can only be in the form of global revolutionary ecosocialism. This is because ecosocialism is a more liberationist, sustainable, democratic, just and fairer system than capitalism. Ecosocialism is the only term at this point in history that gives a fuller picture of what the revolution is all about in the 21st century than any other word.
As a result of the successful implementation of Plan B, black-on-black oppression and exploitation in alliance with the foreign capitalists started flourishing in most black-ruled countries. The capitalist class system of rich ruling minorities and the ruled poor majorities started being introduced, developed and consolidated in most of the former colonies. The need for class struggle against the black capitalistic ruling “elites” and their foreign partner-masters became more and more logical and obvious. The black people in the Diaspora are also being divided into rich black minorities and poor black majorities. In western countries, most of the more well-to-do black people are now part of the national middle class that is white dominated. But this does not make them escape from subtle racism. The capitalist system divides people into antagonistic classes, races, groups and other categories as part of the strategy of “divide and rule”. The system causes and sustains the oppression and exploitation of the overwhelming majority of the people in all capitalist countries.
The oppression and exploitation of the local majority by a local capitalistic ruling class minority brings more focus to class struggle. Nationalism by its very nature, cannot accept class struggle because nationalism is for national unity even if it means unity between the local oppressors and the locally oppressed. Nationalist thinking is for the idea that the local oppressors and the oppressed should not fight each other. They should just unite and live in peace and harmony like a family. This is like the peace and harmony found between the rider and his or her horse. Class struggle is essential to the success of every ecosocialist revolution in any country and at the international level.
It is important to point out that the nationalism of the oppressing race is negative, anti-change and anti-emancipation, whereas the nationalism of the oppressed race is positive, and is for change and emancipation. It must also be noted that this positive role of the nationalism of the oppressed ends with the success of national liberation struggle against foreign domination. But as long as racism and imperialism exist, nationalism as a reaction will always be there to play a positive role at that level of the struggle. This is why the revolutionary movement may need to enter into a tactical alliance with anti-imperialist nationalist forces. However, this alliance is only up to a point in the struggle.
The fact that there are still overwhelming and complex problems and issues that remain to be addressed by a new phase of the struggle based on a higher vision for this current era does not mean the previous struggle did not achieve anything of any crucial importance. What was achieved was indeed a milestone in the history of black people since it was the first and successfully completed stage in the struggle against foreign domination, oppression and anti-black white racism. It must never be forgotten that the pre-independence and pre-civil rights struggle itself was waged by the people of Afrika and the Black World with total and selfless commitment, unbelievable bravery and great sacrifices. As a momentous and historic step of such a magnitude in the long march to the true and lasting liberation process of the majority of black people all over the world, that struggle needs to be recognized, respected and saluted by both the present and the future generations of liberationists.
During the second half of the 20th century, Afrika and the Black World witnessed the heroic and successful conclusion to its pre-independence and pre-civil rights era, which is herein referred to as the previous era. The end of this previous era was brought about by what may, for convenience purposes, be referred to as the First Liberation Struggle of Afrika and the Black World. Its objectives were the abolition of slavery, colonialism, racism and the achievement of independence for the colonies, and the gaining of civil rights for black people in racist western countries. These objectives constituted a minimum programme that in most countries did not and could not include the abolition of capitalism because of the nationalist nature and level of the struggle of the united front of that time. The end of the First Liberation Struggle brought about the post-colonial and post-civil rights era, which is herein referred to as the current era. This gave birth to what has come to be known, for convenience purposes, as the Second Liberation Struggle of Afrika and the Black World. Its objectives are the abolition of capitalism, imperialism, neo-colonialism, subtle racism and for the establishment of the ecosocialist system.
The difference between mere Pan-Afrikanism and revolutionary Pan-Afrikanism is mainly in their objectives, levels of struggle, the nature of the ever changing strategies and tactics of the enemy and the eras concerned. The co-opted black capitalistic leadership is now a major part of the enemy as far as the new phase of the struggle is concerned. While there is a wide difference between mere Pan-Afrikanism and revolutionary Pan-Afrikanism, these should be taken as two different schools of thought both necessary for two different levels or stages of the same international black liberation process. The First Liberation Struggle was a product of black nationalism and Pan-Afrikanism. The Second Liberation Struggle is a product of revolutionary Pan-Afrikanism and ecosocialism.
As a result of the nature of the objectives of revolutionary Pan-Afrikanism, the Second Liberation Struggle and the nature of modern world capitalism, the global revolutionary Pan-Afrikanist movement must continue to belong to the global movement of movements where it will give and receive international solidarity. This also means the black struggle must be organized and proceed as an integral and unshakeable part of the worldwide movement of varied and independent revolutionary movements. The worldwide movement of movements is for the total destruction of world capitalism and its complete replacement by global revolutionary ecosocialism. This route has to be followed if such a struggle is to remain genuine, meaningful, realistic, practical and effectual. It is a route that takes into account the fact that the struggle in society will always remain the one between the oppressors, exploiters and anti-liberationists on one side, and the oppressed, exploited and revolutionary liberationists on the other side. The struggle will remain based mainly on continuous class struggle both in the struggle against capitalism and in the process of building ecosocialism.
During the First Liberation Struggle, the nationalist and Pan-Afrikanist movement was a united front that was dominated mainly by people belonging to two schools of thought. The most numerically strong grouping was right-wing, confused and had a love and hate relationship with imperialism. In Afrika, the early and most prominent writer, theorist, practitioner and main representative of this right-wing school of thought in the nationalist and Pan-Afrikanist movement was Leopold Senghor who became the first President of Senegal in 1960. He was very popular with the West because he was a powerful Pan-Afrikanist who also clearly and strongly supported capitalism, and was bitterly opposed to scientific socialism. The other and smaller section of the movement was left-wing and socialist. The most outstanding writer, theorist, practitioner and main representative of this left-wing school of thought was Kwame Nkrumah who became the first President of Ghana in 1960. His numerous published works, up to this day, continue to serve as the unparalleled source of inspiration, guidance and point of reference for the revolutionary Pan-Afrikanists in the current era. As a result, revolutionary Pan-Afrikanists are proud to call themselves “Nkrumaists” and they are taking over from where the forces of nationalism, Pan-Afrikanism and the First Liberation Struggle left-off.
According to the left-wingers, the victories of the First Liberation Struggle simply meant that Afrika and the Black World had completed the struggle of the previous era. It had entered a new epoch, which is the current era. As a new era, it requires a new phase or level of struggle. The position of the left-wingers was and still is that the victories of the First Liberation Struggle did not and should not mean the end of the liberation struggle because capitalism and imperialist still exist. In fact they view the liberation struggle as a permanent process that should always be treated as such. This is all contrary to the view of the right-wingers whose struggle ended with the achievement of independence and the gaining of some civil rights by the Diasporan Afrikans. As they see it, the main problem in Afrika and the Black World is not how to eradicate the poverty of the overwhelming majority, but that the co-opted capitalistic black leaders and business persons are not accumulating wealth fast enough. They are dying to catch-up with their western partner-masters, and they are working hard on it. As usual, this is at the expense of the overwhelming majority of their own people as it happens in all other capitalist countries of the world.
Every new era has its own problems, which will always need to be addressed through a new stage or phase of the struggle. Some of the problems are the unfinished business of the previous struggle, and others are new. The liberation process moves in endless stages or phases, or rather it must be an endless series of victories against oppression and exploitation of one country or one race or one class or one ethnic group or one region or one sex or one person by another in the world. This is why the struggle should always be organized and treated as a permanent process, and not an event that comes to an end. This also applies to all eras and under any socio-economic system designed and run by normal human beings who are not perfect. By the end of every era, some of the objectives of the previous struggle may have been fully achieved, others may only have been partially achieved and there may also be others which may not have been realized at all.
Apart from this, when a problem is solved another one usually emerges. It also means there are always some old and new problems and issues in every era, which can only be addressed through a new and higher phase of the people’s struggle appropriate to that particular era or situation. Every liberation victory like the abolition of slavery, the achievement of independence, and the gaining of civil rights or workers’ concessions should always be taken as a step forward only, rather than as the final victory. After the victory against capitalism, imperialism and neo-colonialism, then the situation will become ready for the next stage or level of the revolutionary process.
Revolutionary Pan-Afrikanists, who are here defined as ecosocialists, are for the total elimination of all forms of oppression and exploitation whether by whites against blacks or by blacks against other blacks or by an alliance of blacks and whites against blacks or whites against other whites or any other people oppressing and exploiting any other people in any part of the world. In other words, revolutionary Pan-Afrikanists are for the elimination of the oppression and exploitation of one race or one nation or one ethnic group or one class or one sex or one person by another in any part of the world. Such an objective can only be realized in a classless society which also can only be fully achieved through the victory of global revolutionary ecosocialism, which Marx and Engels described as scientific socialism and is a transitional stage to world communism. As a result, this is why at its advanced stage, the international black liberation struggle should be based on class struggle if the liberation of the overwhelming majority of Afrika’s people both at home and abroad is to be fully achieved. This is also why Dr Kwame Nkrumah who was the greatest contributor to the Afrikan revolution during his time, in terms of theory, practice and as a writer, strongly supported scientific socialism and world communism.
During the previous era, the struggle seemed to be purely a racial matter to most black people. In the post-colonial and post-civil rights era, the struggle is more and more clearly proving to be one with a dual nature mainly because of the emergence of the growing and well-entrenched black capitalistic ruling “elites”. This makes the need for class struggle to be clearer to more and more people than ever before. In these early stages of the Second Liberation Struggle, it is a matter that is seen as being both a racial and a class issue. This is as far as the black experience in the current era goes. However, as the struggle moves to an advanced stage, its class nature will become easier for more people to understand than before. Kwame Nkrumah fully understood right from the beginning that in the next stage of the struggle, which is in the current era, class struggle would be the main form of struggle. This is why he was a strong advocate for scientific socialism as a transitional stage to world communism.
It is the duty and responsibility of every new generation of revolutionaries to make its contribution by advancing the revolutionary process to higher levels both in theory and in practice, and at local, national and global levels. Like the nationalist and Pan-Afrikanist fighters of the previous era, revolutionary Pan-Afrikanists as ecosocialists are the new generation of revolutionary liberationists of the current era and have an equally heroic and historic role to play. Their task and role is to consistently, continuously and ideologically re-educate, re-motivate, re-inspire, re-energize, re-equip and thus revolutionize the minds of more and more of the masses of their people. This will lead to the continuous re-intensification of the struggle in Afrika and the rest of the Black World.
Colonial and slave mentality or mindset is one of the major obstacles to the Second Liberation Struggle of Afrika and the Black World. It is used as an essential instrument of the capitalist system in the oppression and exploitation of the overwhelming majority of black people internationally. Many black people are victims of the capitalist socialization process and propaganda. The victims of colonial and slave mentality unconsciously suffer from self-hate, inferiority complex, hatred of one’s own culture, excessive love for white and capitalist culture, uncontrollable and desperate desire to imitate and please capitalist whites, social climbing based on bootlicking strategies and tactics, lack of concern for or lack of solidarity with the suffering and plight of the overwhelming majority of black people, lack of confidence, political hopelessness, apathy, cynicism, confusion, low expectations, conscious or unconscious pro-white puppetry, Afro–pessimism, lack of patriotism, regurgitating bourgeois governance concepts and capitalist political parroting. This also makes them to become consciously or unconsciously capitalistic and anti-ecosocialist.
The Second Liberation Struggle started soon after the First Liberation Struggle. It started at various levels and in different forms in Afrika and the Diaspora. It was and still is in the form of often spontaneous, sporadic and unco-ordinated acts of resistance against capitalism, imperialism, neo-colonialism and racism. The struggle has to start somewhere and somehow. Such a beginning, to many people, may even seem futile, irrelevant and not leading anywhere. But since there is a good basis for the struggle, it will have to eventually lead to somewhere which means to victory and there are many examples for this in history. Many successful struggles are known to have started in this seemingly disorganized manner but they got better and better organized and more and more co-ordinated as time went on. Such struggles usually start with a few people and then continue to grow until they become mass movements and parties, which will be unconquerable and victorious.
The pace of the Second Liberation Struggle has been painfully slow. It needs to be more re-organized, re-energized, re-intensified, co-ordinated and speeded-up by the revolutionary Pan-Afrikanists. The fact that the pace of the development and consolidation of revolutionary Pan-Afrikanism and ecosocialism has so far been painfully slow should not be surprising to anyone who cares to look at the history of the development and consolidation of black nationalist and Pan-Afrikanist struggle during the previous era. The pace has to be more or less the same because of various factors including the power of the enemy and the internal organizational, strategy and ideological problems in the liberation movements. The pace of the revolutionary process can also be made to slow down or can even be stopped for some time internationally by the efforts and machinations of the international capitalist forces or through the battle-defeats of the revolutionary movement by the enemy.
At the beginning of the current era, one of the major and most visible and unfinished businesses of the First Liberation Struggle was the imperialist impact on and control of the newly liberated countries. This was in terms of the imperialist control of the minds of the people, natural resources, international trade and foreign policies. The suffocating and ubiquitous presence of imperialism immediately became one of the most uniting factors in favour of the continuation of the struggle in the form of the Second Liberation Struggle. Imperialism was clearly such a crucial aspect of world capitalism and is much easier to understand that it is bound to remain as one of the major and easiest targets of the struggle in Afrika and the Black World. Anti-imperialist struggles are also being waged at the grassroots level. Apart from the anti-imperialist struggles, other levels of struggle are continuing to take place because capitalism still exists and it will continue to cause havoc to the socio-economic conditions of the overwhelming majority of the world’s people. As a revolutionary principle, there is always a future for the revolutionary struggle at all levels no matter how many powerful factors or circumstances may be currently against the revolution.
Revolutionary movements in all countries, usually and from time to time, have to continue to try to unite with all those who can be united with against the main enemy on certain issues. They should always continue to try to divide, isolate, neutralize or confuse the enemies of the revolution and then destroy them one by one. Revolutionaries need to be able to distinguish primary from secondary contradictions and minor from major enemies. The liberation struggle may be peaceful or unpeaceful or both from time to time. This depends on the ever changing level of the interplay of forces and the nature, strategy and tactics of the enemy.
By the beginning of 2013, when this statement was written, there were only four countries out of 54 in Afrika whose leadership was consistently anti-imperialist. Most of the remaining 50, were either actively or passively pro-imperialist. This situation is reflected in the nature and orientation of the African Union, which is modeled on the European Union and is largely depended on it for its funding. The four countries that were still anti-imperialist by 2013 were Zimbabwe under President Robert Mugabe, Namibia under President Hifikepunye Pohamba, Angola under President Jose Edouardo dos Santos and Zambia under President Michael Sata.
President Mugabe is widely regarded as a living hero by black people all over the world because he is actively and consistently anti-imperialist. This refers to black people who have survived the capitalist socialization process and who are not victims of imperialist propaganda. He is the most intellectually solid, clear and the bravest anti-imprialist leader in Afrika and the Black World. In fact at the level of President of a country, he is one of the few surviving anti-imperialist spokespersons of the whole “Third World”. He has also proved that even one brave President of a small country can make all the imperialist powers to continuously shiver and spend sleepless nights! What would happen if the number of such leaders increased to say 20 or more? Indeed, this is bound to happen because neo-colonialism remains a highly denigrating and humiliating to any self-respecting leader.
The role of the Diasporan Afrikans in the struggle in Afrika needs to be clarified in this statement. Afrika has always needed the contribution of the Diasporan Afrikans in its liberation and development processes. Indeed their role was outstanding. Diasporan Afrikans have also always needed Afrika as their ancestral homeland and political global base in this age of racism and imperialism. This global base is essential to their own dignity, liberation struggle, socio-economic empowerment and security wherever they may be residing in the world. Apart from directly supporting the struggle in Afrika, the other equally important contribution to the struggle in Afrika, which the Diasporan Afrikans can make, is to fight against capitalism, imperialism and racism, and to build ecosocialism in the countries in which they may be located in the world. This is because capitalism as the enemy is a global system, which can be fought against from any country in the world. They have to build alliances with other local revolutionary forces in order for the ecosocialist revolution to succeed in the countries of their residence. They have to directly and effectively contribute to the establishment, survival and growth of the national revolutionary ecosocialist or communist party.
Revolutionary Pan-Afrikanism will and must continue to exist far into the ecosocialist era. This is because when capitalism is defeated and ecosocialist forces take over state power, it will not automatically mean the immediate end of all problems which were caused by capitalism. Classes, oppression, exploitation, racial and ethnic discrimination, gender inequality, and other capitalist practices, consequences, values and ways of thinking among many people will still exist for some time. The defeat of the capitalist ruling class really means such capitalist problems will no longer be protected and promoted by the state machinery. The process of eliminating such problems can only decisively begin to yield concrete and lasting results during the new struggle for building revolutionary ecosocialism in every country and at the global level. Class struggle remains the ultimate and most effective ecosocialist weapon for the elimination of the oppression and exploitation of one person by another and all other problems that are caused by capitalism. This is why class struggle must go on from the beginning to the end of the ecosocialist era. Otherwise without such a consistent and continuous class struggle, the defeated ruling class and its local supporters will get a chance to re-group, build alliances locally and unite with foreign capitalist forces in order to be better able to stage a comeback to power.
The Second Liberation Struggle came with the worldwide debate in what may best be called the Global Revolutionary Pan-Afrikanist Movement (GRPM), which is also known as the black movement or the Pan-Afrikanist movement or the black liberation movement. The debate is on the future of Afrika and the Black World in the context of world capitalism versus global revolutionary ecosocialism. GRPM is an unstructured and informal grouping of parties, movements, organizations, unions, institutions, associations, networks, groups and individual activists. These revolutionary forces promote and champion revolutionary Pan-Afrikanism and the Second Liberation Struggle. Most of them are anti-racist, anti-imperialist/anti-neo-colonialist but not always clearly anti-capitalist and for ecosocialism. The smaller, but fast-growing grouping in GRPM is not only anti-racist and anti-imperialist, but also clearly anti-capitalist and for ecosocialism. All these forces work at their own different levels in their own various ways for the future of Afrika and the Black World.
During most of the 20th century, Pan-Africanism provided an international and informal platform through which the leadership of the anti-slavery, anti-racist and anti-colonial national struggles could interact, network, exchange ideas, information, experiences and be co-ordinated. This was happening mainly through numerous Pan-African congresses and other forms of encounter and communication. Such international conferences, encounters and other forms of communication were and are still essential in that they have an educative and co-ordinative role to play. These congresses should not be controlled by a government or governments. The problems encountered at the 6th Pan-African Congress in Tanzania and the 7th Pan-African Congress in Uganda clearly show that the congresses are better left to the people themselves and their organizations to organize them. This would mean countries should only be represented through their political parties, Pan-Afrikanist organizations, groups, individuals and other non-commercial Pan-Afrikanist entities. Anti-imperialist governments should be welcome to donate funds just like any other donors and to give any other possible forms of support. Governments should not be represented directly on the organizing committees and the congresses themselves as governments, but as political parties.
The immediate objective of the revolutionary Pan-Afrikanists is the destruction of capitalism and the establishment of ecosocialism in a state with a name like the “Ecosocialist People’s Republic of Afrika (EPRA)”. It will replace the African Union and will be a united, strong, revolutionary Pan-Afrikanist, ecosocialist, democratic, independent, incorruptible, self-reliant, prosperous, federal and workers’ state. In this age of subtle racism and neo-colonialism, this new state will be fully integrated with its revolutionary Diaspora and will enhance and hasten the liberation process of the rest of the Black World. EPRA itself will also constitute an invincible base for and will serve as a heroic and monumental contribution to the speedy realization of global revolutionary ecosocialism.
1) to actively support, publicize, defend, campaign and network for revolutionary Pan-Afrikanism, the Second Liberation Struggle and global revolutionary ecosocialism;
2) to actively support the establishment, survival, growth and unity of revolutionary Pan-Afrikanist organizations and groups all over the world which together constitute the Global Revolutionary Pan-Afrikanist Movement;
3) to make a major contribution to the creation and development of a revolutionary Pan- Afrikanist and ecosocialist mass communications systems at the local, national, continental and the global levels. This includes research and information centres;
4) to disseminate in Afrika and internationally, information, ideas and analyses aimed at wiping out colonial and slave mentality and in support of the struggles against racism, neo- colonialism, imperialism and capitalism all over the world and for global revolutionary ecosocialism;
5) to effectively contribute to the re-organization and re-intensification of the Second Liberation Struggle so that it may be better able to give strong and active support to, and also to seek effective and maximum solidarity from other anti-racist, anti-neo-colonialist, anti-imperialist anti-capitalist and ecosocialist forces all over the world;
6) to actively support and participate in the holding of regular revolutionary Pan-Afrikanist congresses as a way of building the largely unstructured and informal Global Revolutionary Pan-Afrikanist Movement;
7) to actively support and participate in the largely unstructured and informal worldwide debate on the future of Afrika and the Black World, which is taking place in the Global Revolutionary Pan-Afrikanist Movement;
8) to continuously expose and act in any possible way against the current and unjust system of international relations, its institutions and its trading regime - to fight for its total re- structuring and democratization - and to campaign for massive reparations for slavery, racism, colonialism and neo-colonialism;
9) to defend, give solidarity and champion the rights of media practitioners, artists, writers and intellectuals in different parts of the world who are committed to revolutionary Pan-Afrikanism, the Second Liberation Struggle, anti-racism, anti-imperialism, anti-capitalism, and to ecosocialism; and,
10) to carry out extensive research and mass communications work on both theoretical and practical lessons which can be learnt from the victories, set-backs and other experiences of the international socialist movement especially during the 20th century.
It is recommended that this statement on AGN should be read in conjunction with another statement entitled: Statement on the Debate about the Future of the Pan-Afrikanist Struggle by Cde Chen Chimutengwende, October 15, 2013. It gives a detailed explanation of some of the issues raised in this statement. This is a general article, which is the basis of a book on “The Manifesto for the Future of Afrika and the Black World”. This will be published in 2014.
AGN is there to contribute to the dissemination, popularization, immortalization and the deepening of the impact of the vision of revolutionary Pan-Afrikanism and global revolutionary ecosocialism. It also vigorously promotes the Second Liberation Struggle. In order to effectively make this contribution, AGN operates at the international level carrying out various projects, tasks and programmes in a non-sectarian manner. This role includes research, mass dissemination of information, networking, campaigning, and supporting mass mobilization for political action and international solidarity. AGN works for the unity of revolutionary Pan-Afrikanist forces all over the world by encouraging them to continuously exchange information, ideas and experiences; to network and co-ordinate their efforts; and, to give each other solidarity in their revolutionary projects, programmes and activities.
AGN also actively supports any social action internationally which promotes any aspect of its vision. AGN operates all over the world through both its own Associate Members and also in conjunction with or through any other interested revolutionary forces. So far the biggest project of AGN is the production of “The Manifesto for the Future of Afrika and the Black World”. The manifesto makes the case, spells out the objectives and guiding principles, and provides the basis for the programme of action for revolutionary Pan-Afrikanism, the Second Liberation Struggle and ecosocialism in this post-colonial and post-civil rights era.
After the publication of the manifesto as a book, the next major task for AGN as the sponsor of the manifesto project will be to carry out a highly effective international information campaign that will continuously elaborate, clarify, defend and promote the contents of the manifesto. The campaign will include the counteracting of any racist, neo-colonialist, imperialist and capitalist propaganda and misrepresentation of facts on Afrika and the Black World, revolutionary Pan-Afrikanism, the Second Liberation Struggle and global revolutionary ecosocialism. The AGN information campaign will, for the purpose, extensively use the following:- print and electronic media, the internet, conferences and other types of gatherings. Pan-Afrikanist parties, movements, institutions, networks and groups will be encouraged to be the major participants in and conduits for the AGN information campaign. The aim is to make this AGN information campaign to be a major contribution to the debate of the GRPM. All this is seen here as a crucial revolutionary Pan-Afrikanist contribution to the struggle against world capitalism and for the realization of global revolutionary ecosocialism.
AGN is in the process of recruiting Associate Members. Any revolutionary Pan-Afrikanist individual or group or organization or institution anywhere in the world is welcome to join AGN as an Associate Member. The application form for the Associate Membership is available in this website. AGN also works under a Current Programme of Action which is drawn up once every five years. This programme is drawn from and aimed at the implementation of the aims, objectives and principles of AGN.
In the Afrika Global Network, Afrika is spelt with a “k” just as some people may prefer to spell the word organisation with an “s” while others may use “z”. While spelling Afrika with a “k” may be irritating to the imperialists and their supporters, it should definitely not be a problem to any revolutionaries. But in the first place: who decided this continent should be named Africa and with this kind of spelling? The European imperialists did. But does that make it sacrosanct? The name “Africa” is said to have come from the ancient Egyptian word “Afru-ika” meaning “motherland”. It must be noted that “Afru-ika” has “k” and not “c”. Even today, many Afrikan languages like Shona and Swahili also spell Afrika with a “k” and not “c”. In any case, people should be free to spell certain words or choose language styles or define concepts or make representations in the way they feel can most effectively communicate their messages or feelings to their chosen audiences.
E-mail: firstname.lastname@example.org or email@example.com
Issued on October 20, 2013